Gerretsen, Isabelle (1 March 2012). "Travel grant offered to Eton students only". Cherwell. Oxford University . Retrieved 28 March 2023. Patten was not a silver-spoon Tory. He was born into an Irish Catholic family on his paternal side. His father was a drummer in a jazz band who became a music publisher, before running a precarious business making jingles for TV. “We never talked about politics or religion at home,” Patten says. “It was an extremely apolitical household; my parents would have voted Conservative. They bought the Daily Express in the days when it was a decent newspaper.” Patten, who helped transform the RUC into the PSNI, on his Irishness, Catholicism and the wrench of Brexit [ permanent dead link]

I’ve got increasingly cross about references to Chinese ‘face’ (by the older group in particular) and feel that we need to refer ourselves to British ‘face’ from time to time.” (p.17) In September 2020, he wrote that "Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping's dictatorship is certainly thuggish. Consider its policies in Xinjiang. Many international lawyers argue that the incarceration of over one million Muslim Uighurs, forced sterilisation and abortion, and slave labour meet the UN definition of genocide." [34] Patten said that Chinese company Huawei "is an agent of an unpleasant Chinese state." [35] I am largely a fan of Patten (although I've always been bemused how such an intelligent, logical and caring man can believe in god, and be a practicing member of the Catholic church...). His Hong Kong diaries nudged me slightly in a negative direction, although there is much about hime that I continue to admire. Patten's actions were strongly criticised by the pro-Beijing political parties of Hong Kong. Patten was also denounced by some Chinese media and politicians as the "whore of the East" and a "serpent", and was most famously called a "sinner who would be condemned for a thousand generations" (Chinese: 千古罪人) by Lu Ping, the head of China's Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office. [21] The legislative council which was elected under Patten's governorship was dissolved upon the handover of Hong Kong to the PRC and replaced by a Provisional Legislative Council which did not have any democratic functions until elections were held under the previous rules in 1998. The Doon School Weekly" (PDF). Doonschool.com. 10 October 2009 . Retrieved 17 March 2015. [ permanent dead link]At midnight Hong Kong Time 1 July 1997 (16:00 GMT, 30 June 1997), he sent the telegram: "I have relinquished the administration of this government. God Save The Queen. Patten." [22] This marked the end of British rule in Hong Kong. After the handover ceremony he left the city, together with Prince Charles, on board the British royal yacht, HMY Britannia. Patten was noted to be in tears throughout the day, notably after his speech at Tamar. [23] He has since commented that his governorship of Hong Kong was a happy time for him personally as he shared this experience with his wife and children. [24] Patten government [ edit ] Portfolio Perhaps Hongkongers are only wistful about the disappearing way of living and declining influence, rather than the colonial rule and its employees. Evidently, Patten is not best remembered for his contribution to democracy. In my opinion, he has a less noticeable legacy: many people have not bought into the CCP side of things because of his charisma. That alone means more than any veritable achievement to the people. If any puppet wishes to term it ‘sowing discord’, so be it. They may have a hard time pointing out where the umbilical cord is. Britain truly imported the rule of law, an engine to bolster HK fortunes to be, prior its return to China, an economic pillar of the world. A debate on the “rule of law” vs “rule by law” is central in the book. On 29 September 2005, he published his memoirs, Not Quite the Diplomat: Home Truths About World Affairs. In October 2009, Patten was Chief Guest at The Doon School, a boarding school in Dehradun, India, which is a member of the United Kingdom's Headmasters' and Headmistresses' Conference. [54]

Lord Patten spent much of his time in Hong Kong struggling against British officials and members of the local elite who believed it was not worth trying to push China to accept more democracy in pre-handover Hong Kong-much less expanding it without China's approval. Some of the most riveting detail in this rich volume relates to these tensions. ... The author's entertaining language brings these diaries to life. Economist From 1998 to 1999, he chaired the Independent Commission on Policing for Northern Ireland, better known as the Patten Commission, which had been established in 1998 as part of the Belfast Agreement. On 9 September 1999, the Commission produced its report, entitled A New Beginning: Policing in Northern Ireland and popularly known as the Patten Report, which contained 175 symbolic and practical recommendations. [25] This report led to the disbanding of the Royal Ulster Constabulary and establishment of the Police Service of Northern Ireland. He is the co-chair of International Crisis Group, overseeing many international operations. He is also a member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to promote good governance around the world. On 23 May 2005 he was appointed by Cadbury as a non-executive director. [26] European Commissioner: 1999–2004 [ edit ] Patten (left) with Brian Cowen, Colin Powell and Javier Solana in March 2004 Draws on his experience of four controversial institutions - the Tory party, the Vatican, the Chinese government and the BBC - to swell the tiny list of intelligent and cultured memoirs by front-line politicians Mark Lawson, New Statesman, Books of the Year

As for the triviality of diary entries, it too has a point. In the beginning, Patten was observing and groping for his elbow room, which he would come to understand was proportional to how tight Beijing's grip was. Mired in the machinated disarray created by the provisional legislature, he complained more and joked less. The transformation and wearing out of a new governor can be read between the lines. A few minutes after the result of Monday’s confidence vote in the prime minister was announced, I spoke to Chris Patten on the phone. The former Conservative party chairman and current rebellious Tory peer was dismayed to see the “Johnson cult still hanging on”. He described the government as “shameful and seedy”. “The most depressing thing is I’ve been watching interviews with ministers this evening,” he said, “and the titles alone are so depressing. Jacob Rees-Mogg, minister for Brexit opportunities. If ever there as a contradiction in terms it is that. And nobody should ever see the words ‘Nadine Dorries’ and ‘culture secretary’ in the same sentence.” Patten turned down offers of a new post and instead, in July 1992, he became the 28th and the last governor of Hong Kong until its transfer of sovereignty to China on 30 June 1997. He was given an official Chinese name, Pang Ding-hong ( Chinese: 彭定康), a name with an etymology based on the words "stability" and "calm; joyous; healthy". Unlike most previous Hong Kong governors, he was not a career diplomat from the UK Foreign Office although he was not the first former MP to become a governor of Hong Kong. [17] In 2016, in the wake of a student movement to remove the statue of Cecil Rhodes from a college in Oxford, as had happened in South Africa, Patten said that Oxford students who did not like Cecil Rhodes should "think about being educated elsewhere". [28] In May 2020, Patten said that there was a case for a multilateral mission to travel to Wuhan to investigate the origins of the COVID-19 outbreak. He argued the Chinese government had breached its obligations as a member of the World Health Organization and the 2005 International Health Regulations treaty. He also added that Britain and other countries were not against the Chinese nation or people, praising China's medical workers who first responded to the virus, but stated "It is our relationship with the dangerous and immoral Communist Party. In Wuhan the Communist party used the police to try and shut the doctors up. Totalitarian regimes always rely on secrecy and mendacity." [36] On Hong Kong [ edit ]

Charles, John (14 June 2015). The Hong Kong Filmography, 1977-1997: A Reference Guide to 1,100 Films Produced by British Hong Kong Studios. McFarland. ISBN 978-1-4766-0262-2. Corpus of Political Speeches Free access to political speeches by Chris Patten and other politicians, developed by Hong Kong Baptist University Library In July 2014, Patten criticised The Practice of the 'One Country, Two Systems' Policy in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region white paper issued by the People's Republic of China for interfering with Hong Kong's judicial independence. In an interview with the Financial Times, he stated "In a system of rule of law, judges are independent and should not be questioned for instructions or forced to abandon their views on procedural fairness and what is legal due to certain political considerations." Patten also added that the Sino-British Joint Declaration signed that year was an international agreement between China and the United Kingdom, which guaranteed that Hong Kong would remain unchanged for 50 years, including the freedoms and civil liberties enjoyed by Hong Kong people. He said that if Hong Kongers believe that the Sino-British Joint Declaration has been undermined, it is completely reasonable to express concerns to China and Britain and lodge a peaceful protest. [40] [41] In February 2010, Patten was appointed President of Medical Aid for Palestinians, but he stepped down in June 2011. [56]

Most politicians write autobiographies to 'set the record straight'. This is a different sort of memoir. Following his life as a self-confessed 'wet European' from parliament to Hong Kong and beyond, Chris Patten creates a meditation on personal and political identity which, in an age of simplification, shows the complexities of both. On Kate, Patten wrote, “I flew up to Newcastle to see Kate. She is living in what seems a very jolly hall of residence surrounded by loud and cheerful friends” (p.22). “I took Kate out to a restaurant down on the wharf in the centre of Newcastle, Number 21. We had a terrific meal and she’s really good company.” (p.83). Elsewhere, The Diaries reports that “Kate phoned up this morning to tell us she’s had a car crash near Darlington. Thank heavens she’s fine, but clearly very shaken. We are pretty shaken ourselves.” (p.131). On Laura, Patten said, “her course has started well and she’s enjoyed the first three days, but she’s missing us and had a bit of a cry on the phone” (p.67). The ethnocentric view of culture argues that we evaluate other cultures solely by the values and standards of our own culture. The cultural clashes between Chris Patten and Chinese delegates are revealed in terms of their family values, communication skills, negotiation strategies, and contractual arrangements. Broadly speaking, they reflect cultural differences between the East and West. From this perspective, Patten’s book makes much sense. Therefore, to resolve the ongoing chaotic situation in Hong Kong, understanding differences in cultural values between China and the UK is of utmost importance.