Europe's Fault Lines: Racism and the Rise of the Right

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Fekete provides an accessible and stimulating discussion on the roles of the state, intellectuals, the media, and uneven development in the triumph of the right in our age of crisis and rage . These are neo-Nazi and fascist groups, and of course the Greek grouping was the first outright neo-Nazi party to gain a powerful presence in Europe since the 1970s, when the dictatorships in Portugal, Spain and Greece had been overthrown. As will be suggested below however, the book sometimes takes an overly deterministic approach when discussing the role of globalisation and post-industrialisation for the rise of the extreme right.

You can change your choices at any time by visiting Cookie preferences, as described in the Cookie notice. This involved the wiping out of state manufacturing, the introduction of privatisation and separate and beneficial tax regimes for foreign companies investing in these countries. Essential reading, showing the long history leading to the current spike in anti-migrant, racist sentiment, and places the responsibility firmly at the hands of governments who used anti-immigration rhetoric to fuel their own agendas and draw attention away from the damage their policies have done. Namely, the impenetrability of those branches of the state like the police and the intelligence services, which make it almost impossible to stop the spread of extreme right viewpoints and conspiracy theories.This relationship extends into North Africa, where Paris cooperates with Cairo and Abu Dhabi to support the forces of Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar in his war against the Libyan Government of National Accord (GNA). The data depicts the 10 per cent ‘exceedance probability’ that a peak ground acceleration of a certain fraction of the gravitational acceleration is observed within the next 50 years. Will it be isolated, will it be contained, or will it be conciliated, comforted and brought in from the cold by other political elements, like the centre-right ‑ or even the centre-left? Instead, attention ought to be paid to how political actors actively create, shape and perform those ‘identity crises’. This atrocity is also linked to the commencement of wars in the Islamic world after the Cold War had ended.

For its part, Greece also seeks to leverage EU opposition to the Turkish presence in Cypriot territorial waters to bolster its claims against Turkey in the Aegean. She also makes the point that the centre left cannot be let off the hook, citing New Labour’s ‘controls on immigration’ mug during the 2015 UK General Election as a contemporary example.passive acquiescence by deliberately ‘being blind on the right eye’ and failing to speak out against the spread of ideologies that were previously unacceptable.

She ends by discussing the need for empathy as a basic foundation and weapon against the increased marketisation of society and argues for a broad coalition of campaigners and a vocabulary that utilises the best of the past while understanding the need to develop ‘a syntax to shock people out of complacency’ (p. Having said that, this book is a perspicacious enquiry into the ‘fomenting of a reactionary cultural revolution’ (p.One particular incident exemplifies both logics: on the eve of the city festival celebrations in the German town Chemnitz in August 2018, a middle-aged man was stabbed to death supposedly by, important for the developments to follow, an asylum seeker.

Along with this is a description of attempts within the mainstream to normalise white racists’ positions by suggesting that they have something specific about which to be aggrieved.

This has also seen the erection of statues of anti-Semitic politicians from the era, and concerted attacks on the archive of Jewish Hungarian Marxist György Lukács, and the Central European University, founded by Jewish Hungarian American George Soros.